Primary Contributors:

Antony McKenna and L’Édition Électronique de la Correspondance de Pierre Bayle

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Partners and Additional Contributors

Bayle’s correspondence has been brought together in a fifteen-volume print and digital critical edition, Correspondance de Pierre Bayle, directed by †Elisabeth Labrousse and Antony McKenna, in association with Wiep van Bunge, Edward James, Fabienne Vial-Bonacci, Bruno Roche, and Eric-Olivier Lochard (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1999–2017).¹ This critical edition was compiled using an Arcane database, designed and developed by Eric-Olivier Lochard, in collaboration with Dominique Taurisson.

The electronic edition of the correspondence, extracted from this database, was developed using open-source software SPIP with the cooperation of Pierre Mounier and is still under development with Cindy Tessier (DSI at the Université Jean Monnet Saint-Etienne). This electronic edition contains all the letters in chronological order, together with images of the manuscripts, and thanks to a number of indexing tools provides easy access for users. It will continue to be supplemented (with a five-year time-lag following publication of the printed volumes) until all 1,791 letters have been included.

Basic metadata from the Arcane database have been released also for integration into Early Modern Letters Online [EMLO], where users are directed via links from each letter record to the texts in the electronic edition. One consequence of this is that Bayle’s correspondence, which provides key testimony to the intellectual, philosophical, religious, and cultural life of the Huguenot refuges both in France and across Europe in the late-seventeenth and early-eighteenth centuries, is able to take its place within the overall network of the correspondences that makes up the Republic of Letters.

Cultures of Knowledge would like to thank EMLO’s first intern and current Digital Fellow Charlotte Marique and EMLO Digital Fellows Lucy Hennings and Katharine Morris for their work to help prepare the metadata for upload and to create people and place records for this calendar. The text for the introductory page was supplied by Antony McKenna and translated by Charlotte Marique.

 

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Key Bibliographic Source(s)

Correspondance de Pierre Bayle, critical edition established under the direction of †Elisabeth Labrousse and Antony McKenna, with the collaboration of Wiep van Bunge, Hubert Bost, Edward James, Annie Leroux, Fabienne Vial-Bonacci, Bruno Roche, and Eric-Olivier Lochard, 15 vols (Oxford: The Voltaire Foundation, 1999–2017).

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Contents

Pierre Bayle’s networks

Bayle’s letters addressed to his family — those to his parents,² to his elder brother Jacob,³ to his younger brother Joseph,⁴ and to his cousin Jean Bruguière de Naudis⁵ — provide considerable information regarding his early years, his family circle, and his friends from the region of Foix and Le Carla. His correspondence sheds light on life at the Puylaurens Protestant academy, on Bayle’s own religious evolution (including his conversion to Catholicism and his return to Protestantism), on his discovery of cultural life in Geneva, in Paris, in Sedan, and in Rotterdam, as well as on his views of philosophical, religious, political and general cultural life in France.

Other discrete collections may be identified within the correspondence as a whole, including Bayle’s correspondence with the Dutch: the erudite scholar Theodor Jansson van Almeloveen,⁶ the natural scientist and mathematician Christiaan Huygens,⁷ and the historian Gijsbert Kuiper [Cuper].⁸ His intense and productive relation with Reinier Leers, a printer in Rotterdam, did not lead to an extensive correspondence simply because, as a member of the circle of scholars who visited Leers’s bookshop, Bayle was in close and frequent personal contact with the printer. Within the community of Huguenot refugees, initial close links between Bayle and Pierre Jurieu, his colleague at the Academy of Sedan and at the Illustrious School (university college) in Rotterdam, did not leave a paper trail and the acrimonious disagreement between the two refugees that occurred in later years precluded personal correspondence.⁹ In the case of Bayle’s lifelong friend Jacques Basnage, whom he had known since his years of study in Geneva, the closeness of their friendship in Rotterdam ruled out extensive correspondence.¹⁰ Bayle’s correspondence with Jean Rou, secretary-translator to the States-General, has survived, as have Rou’s Mémoires et opuscules, published in 1857 by Fr. Waddington.¹¹ Other refugees who formed part of Bayle’s circle of correspondents included Jacques Du Rondel,¹² a colleague of Bayle’s in Sedan; Daniel de Larroque,¹³ who travelled between the Dutch Republic and London until his abjuration in the autumn of 1690 at the time of his return to France; and Jacques Lenfant,¹⁴ a former fellow student of Joseph Bayle’s in Geneva and a minister first in Heidelberg and subsequently in Berlin. The fascinating correspondence with Arminian Jean Le Clerc, renowned scholar, philosopher, exegete, and journalist in Amsterdam, has been preserved at the Amsterdam University Library and was recently the subject of an excellent critical edition compiled by Mario and Maria Grazia Sina.¹⁵

Trusted correspondents in London included Henri Justel,¹⁶ whose Parisian salon Bayle had frequented, and which had been visited by the philosopher John Locke on his travels in France. Bayle corresponded with Pierre Des Maizeaux,¹⁷ who knew everyone in London, socializing with Anthony Collins, John Toland, Richard Steele, Thomas Gordon, and members of the Royal Society, writing to the most important philosophers in Europe, and spending time with many Huguenot men of letters in the London coffee houses — Douglas’s, Rainbow’s, and Old Slaughter’s — on St Martin’s Lane. Des Maizeaux was a central figure in the intellectual life of the community of Huguenot refugees.¹⁸

In Geneva, Bayle maintained contacts made during his years of study and from the period he worked as tutor with the Dohna family. Most of his correspondence with Vincent Minutoli, a former minister in Middelburg and professor of Belles-Lettres at the Academy of Geneva,¹⁹ has been preserved; this is an extensive and important correspondence both on a personal level and in terms of the development of Bayle’s writing-style because he considered Minutoli — for reasons that are not obvious to us — to be an arbiter of good taste.

In France, Bayle’s main correspondents included Abbot Claude Nicaise,²⁰ a scholar from Dijon who exchanged letters with fellow scholars the length and breadth of Europe; Bernard de La Monnoye,²¹ also an erudite scholar from Dijon; Abbot Jean-Baptiste Dubos,²² philosopher, art theorist and diplomat, who was introduced into Bayle’s network by Nicaise; François Pinsson des Riolles,²³ son and grandson of jurists at Bourges University, lawyer at the Parlement of Paris; Jean-Paul Bignon and his librarian, Hervé-Simon de Valhébert;²⁴ and Mathieu Marais,²⁵ lawyer at the Parlement of Paris, who was to become one of Bayle’s most fervent admirers. After the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Bayle re-established epistolary contact with Gilles Ménage,²⁶ whose ‘mercuriales’ he had attended during his trips to Paris. Finally, there is the particular case of François Janiçon, defender of the rights of the Reformed churches of Guyenne before the King’s Council, then steward to the Duke of Schomberg and lawyer at the Paris Parlement, who retained his strong Huguenot convictions despite a superficial act of abjuration. Janiçon proved a loyal friend — much of his correspondence with Bayle has been preserved²⁷ — and he helped Joseph Bayle to settle in Paris in 1684. Janiçon’s son, Jacques-Gaspard Janisson du Marsin (as he himself signs his name) entered the network at the time Eusèbe Renaudot’s censorious Jugement on Bayle’s Dictionnaire was published. Janisson du Marsin also kept in contact with Jean-Alphonse Turrettini, sending him copies of Bayle’s letters after the great theologian had returned to Geneva at the end of his peregrinatio academica.

Almost all of these connections may be characterized by scholarship, by the culture of the Republic of Letters, or by a commitment to the Protestant cause. Few professional philosophers may be found amongst Bayle’s correspondents, although technical, metaphysical philosophy had always been Bayle’s true passion.²⁸ With Locke,²⁹ Collins,³⁰ and Toland,³¹ there were no direct exchanges of letters; Mandeville, who was born in 1670 in the Dutch Republic and who attended class at the Erasmus School in Rotterdam when Bayle taught at the Illustrious School, entered the public sphere only later, demonstrating the close attention he paid to Bayle’s publications in The Fable of the Bees (1714, 1724) and in his Free Thoughts (1720).³² In the circle of Benjamin Furly,³³ the merchant, former Quaker, and freethinker of Rotterdam who treated his friends to the treasures of his library, Bayle met Anthony Ashley Cooper, third earl of Shaftesbury:³⁴ eight autograph letters from Bayle to Shaftesbury, which were recently discovered and are kept at the Hampshire Record Office (Malmesbury Papers),³⁶ are known to have survived. Bayle remained in close contact with Malebranche, but only a few letters from the Oratorian are extant. Similarly, we know of Bayle’s extensive correspondence with Leibniz, of which just a dozen letters have survived. It is in the columns of the Dictionnaire and in his other published works that Bayle maintained a genuine dialogue with contemporary philosophers.

Bayle’s network in his youth, until the day he set out for Rotterdam on 8 October 1681, seems limited and appears to demonstrate how hard it was for him to combine the separate worlds of childhood and his new culture. However, what might be considered the paucity of Bayle’s network is an illusion created by the relatively small number of surviving letters during that period; the situation is much more complex if we take into account lost letters. The surviving letters bear witness to a great number of letters that have not survived: many letters to his family and, in particular, letters Pierre received from his brothers and his father have been lost; likewise, many letters to his known correspondents — Minutoli, Basnage, and Constant — have also been lost; and a multitude of other letters from friends of the Foix region, former fellow students of Puylaurens and Geneva, professors in Geneva and preachers of Charenton, scholars in Paris and Rouen, and colleagues in Sedan, for example, are mentioned but have not come down to us. The 200 surviving letters before the date October 1681 bear the explicit mention of some 400 lost letters. Bayle’s correspondence network, reshaped in this manner, becomes much more complex and significantly more dense.³⁷ A basic analysis makes it possible to define much more precisely Bayle’s ‘virtual community’ — consisting of all those who were able to share information provided by his letters, and all those from whom he could receive reciprocal information; in some cases we are able to re-establish in turn the correspondence networks of those who took part in Bayle’s network. Such an analysis permits us to understand the interconnection of the milieux Bayle frequented during those years: his family’s Protestantism clearly served as a passport to Geneva and to the Academy of Sedan, but also permitted access to scholarly circles in Rouen and Paris. Bayle’s Huguenot background thus determined his access to the Republic of Letters.

His correspondence networks were developed in order to meet the requirements of a journalist and writer. Indeed, the frequency of his correspondence increased when Nouvelles de la République des Lettres [NRL] were published in 1684, and when the Dictionnaire historique et critique came out in 1697, Bayle expanded his network deliberately to encompass the literary scene, nurturing his connections in the Dutch Republic (Theodor Jansson van Almeloveen, Christian Huygens, Gijsbert Kuiper, Jean Le Clerc, and Thomas Crenius; in addition to Jacques Basnage, who was nearby), and in the refugee circles in London (first Henri Justel, then Daniel de Larroque, Pierre Des Maizeaux, and Pierre Coste), as well as in Heidelberg and in Berlin (Jacques Lenfant, Jacques Abbadie), in Hamburg (Pierre Meherenc de La Conseillère), and in Paris (François Janiçon, Gilles Ménage, Antoine Lancelot, Abbot Bignon, Marc-Antoine Oudinet), while in Geneva he maintained contact with Louis Tronchin, Jean-Robert Chouet, François Turrettini, Fabrice Burlamachi, and Vincent Minutoli. Bayle worked fast. In order to publish his monthly periodical on time, he took advantage of this extended network. While literary and scientific articles in the NRL were often transcriptions of information his correspondents had given him, Bayle reserved for himself the more delicate philosophical and religious issues, following intricate controversies as well as venturing into the minefields of intellectual life.³⁸ The intense rhythm of publication led Bayle to a state of exhaustion, however. Daniel de Larroque took charge of the last numbers of the NRL before handing it on to Henri Basnage de Beauval, who proved himself Bayle’s true successor in his periodical Histoire des ouvrages des savants. Likewise, the release of the first edition of the Dictionnaire was followed for Bayle by a period of exhaustion and near-silence, which was succeeded by a renewal of the controversy with Jurieu as well as by work on what proved to be his final works, Réponse aux questions d’un provincial, a collection of selections and ‘scraps’ from the Dictionnaire, and of course the Continuation des pensées diverses, his genuine philosophical testament.

Thus the native from Languedoc built a network, or rather several networks (particularly in northern Europe and among the Huguenot refugees), of large numbers of Dutch, English, Genevan, and French correspondents, with a few contacts in Germany (where, of course, Leibniz could claim special status) and very few in Italy (Magliabechi being an exception). He had no correspondents in Spain and only a handful of connections in Eastern Europe. The networks are centred on western European culture, particularly French, and we might note that Bayle is less responsive to direct relationships with the Dutch (Spinoza and his followers, for example) or English philosophers (Locke, Toland, and Shaftesbury) than to the reception of their works in France. Bayle played a crucial part in the dissemination of a certain brand of ‘Spinozism’, for example,³⁹ but it is a typically French ‘Spinozism’, that is to say heavily influenced by Descartes and Malebranche and nothing to do with the ‘Spinozism’ spreading in the Dutch Republic, nor with its interpretation in England or in Germany.⁴⁰ Bayle was led by his protector Adriaan van Paets — and by his own beliefs — to support the ‘Republican’ party of Dutch councillors and merchants in the major political conflicts that opposed the heirs of the brothers De Witt and the Orangists, but this stance confirms also the impression gathered from Bayle’s political and literary culture: he remained deeply attached to France.

Correspondence, a testimony of the religious, philosophical, and cultural life

Examination of Bayle’s correspondence network is interesting in itself because of the biographical details revealed. It offers an insight into the private world of his family, and gives a sense of his underlying attachment to his country of birth. The communities that made up his social environment may be illustrated within EMLO: his family and friends from the region of Foix and Le Carla; professors and students of the Academy of Puylaurens; his circle of fellow students in Geneva; those at the château of Coppet; the Protestant community in Paris and the circles surrounding the ministers of Charenton; the literary spheres in Paris and Rouen; the Academy of Sedan; the Illustrious School of Rotterdam; the worlds of journalism and scholarship — these networks formed integral spheres within the Republic of Letters. The correspondence charts Bayle’s intellectual development: it shows his predilection for Horace; his familiarity with La Mothe Le Vayer and other modern authors; as well as how obsessively he pays attention to the literary scene. It records his encounter with the work of Valérian Magni (1586–1661), the rationalist capuchin philosopher in Prague whose writings were to fascinate Bayle who quotes them whenever he reflects on the inviolability of the moral principles discovered by natural reason. We witness in the correspondence Bayle’s meetings with Descartes, with Malebranche, and with Spinoza, and the books reviewed in his letters allow us to follow closely the blossoming of his philosophical and religious thought.

The bibliography of Bayle’s readings compiled from his correspondence, combined with articles in the NRL and references in the Dictionnaire,⁴¹ is vast and provides insight into his role as a correspondent, journalist, and writer in the spreading of cultural knowledge of all kinds. Bayle accumulated a great deal of information and was at the centre of networks that disseminated this information extremely efficiently throughout Europe. Not only was he an attentive observer, but he was also a protagonist in the major philosophical debates of his age, even if his radical views required him to exercise considerable caution and discretion.⁴² In fact, Bayle made continuous use of innuendos and theorized his practice:

Il faut laisser deviner au lecteur la moitié de ce qu’on veut pour le moins, et il ne faut pas craindre qu’on ne nous comprenne pas; la malignité du lecteur va souvent plus loin que nous, il faut s’en remettre à elle, c’est le plus sûr.⁴³

[One should let the reader guess at least half of what one means and one should not fear that he will not understand; the reader’s malignity goes often far beyond us, and we must count on it, that is the safest way.]

Bayle does not open his heart in his correspondence; rather, it is left to his reader to reconstruct the consistency of his views and comments. As a letter writer, as a journalist,⁴⁴ as the author of the Dictionnaire, as an anti-Catholic polemicist and controversialist, and as a philosopher Bayle stands at the heart of the Republic of Letters. He regards himself as — and indeed embodies — a ‘citizen of the world’, and the circumstances of his exile to the Huguenot refuge let him play his role across Europe as a disseminator of texts and ideas. This role involves a paradox, however, because although Bayle wrote at great length, he revealed little of his intimate convictions. He wrote for an extensive audience, but did not address his works to the very general public, aiming rather to spread his ideas among the cultivated public of ‘honnêtes gens‘. He wrote in a style that could be fully understood only by the intellectual elite of the Republic of Letters. The popularizers of the following century — Voltaire, for example — had little use for Bayle’s accumulation of erudite references, for his meandering arguments with unpredictable conclusions, or for his contradictory statements: these obscured the philosophical lesson Voltaire hastened to set out without fully explaining its logical foundations for fear that his audience might misinterpret it. For Bayle, however, this accumulation is crucial: his works cannot be reduced to a simple unequivocal lesson, nor his method to a specific conclusion because the method is part and parcel of the conclusion, which lends it unity and coherence. And it is here we perceive the difference between the seventeenth-century polygraph and the pamphleteer of the next century, the ‘libertin érudit’ and the philosopher of the Enlightenment.

Antony McKenna
Université de Lyon (Jean Monnet Saint-Etienne)
IHRIM (CNRS UMR 5317)

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Further resources

A full bibliography may be found on the Correspondance de Pierre Bayle database, listed either by author or by date; it is here that full bibliographic references for the print manifestations included in EMLO’s calendar of correspondence have been set out.

Launch Catalogue

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Footnotes

¹ Laurence Bergon contributed to volumes I–IX; Ruth Whelan and Maria-Cristina Pitassi to volumes I and II; Dominique Taurisson to volumes II–IV; Caroline Verdier to volumes II–VIII; Annie Leroux to volumes II–IX; and Hubert Bost to volumes II–XI.

² Jean and Jeanne Bayle: thirty-six letters between 1670 and 1685, the date of Jean Bayle’s death.

³ Jacob Bayle: sixty letters (often lengthy) between 1663 and 1685, the date of Jacob Bayle’s death.

⁴ Joseph Bayle: thirty-four letters (often lengthy) between 1675 and 1684, the date of Joseph Bayle’s death.

⁵ Thirty-two letters between 1675 and 1706, the date of Pierre Bayle’s death.

⁶ Jansson van Almeloveen: one hundred letters between 1684 and 1704.

⁷ Christian Huygens: ten letters between 1683 and 1693.

⁸ Gijsbert Kuiper (or Cuper): thirty-six letters between 1684 and 1704.

⁹ Pierre Jurieu: only one letter dated 4 September 1679 — when both men were colleagues at the Academy of Sedan. Eight letters from Jurieu addressed to the consistory of the Walloon Church in Rotterdam regarding Bayle have survived.

¹⁰ Jacques Basnage: nine letters only — between 1672 and 1685 — have survived, including six from Bayle. These are letters from his youth; after 1685, the two men were in close contact in Rotterdam.

¹¹ Jean Rou: forty-two letters between 1679 and 1706; see also Fr. Waddington, Mémoires et opuscules de Jean Rou (1638–1711) (Paris, 1857), 2 vols ; and M. Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou (1638–1711). Scholar, educator, civil servant (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2014).

¹² Jacques Du Rondel: seventy-eight letters between 1683 and 1703.

¹³ Daniel de Larroque: twenty-six letters between 1683 and 1706.

¹⁴ Jacques Lenfant: twenty-six letters between 1683 and 1693.

¹⁵ Jean Le Clerc: eighteen letters between 1684 and 1697; see Jean Le Clerc, Epistolario, ed. M. and M.G. Sina, 4 vols (Firenze: Olschki, 1987–1997).

¹⁶ Henri Justel: eighteen letters from Justel between 1684 and 1687. The letters from Justel that survived are only those that were of use for the NRL, and in particular for the translation of the articles from the Transactions of the Royal Society.

¹⁷ Pierre Des Maizeaux: thirty-four letters between 1699 and 1706.

¹⁸ See J. Almagor, Pierre Des Maizeaux (1673–1745), journalist and English correspondent for Franco-Dutch periodicals, 1700–1720, with the inventory of his correspondence and papers (Add. Mss 4281–4289) at the British Library, London (Amsterdam and Maarssen: APA-Holland University Press, 1989).

¹⁹ Vincent Minutoli: 112 letters between 1672 and 1704; see entry written by J.-D. Candaux in Dictionnaire des journalistes, ed. J. Sgard, (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1999), no. 577.

²⁰ Claude Nicaise: forty letters between 1687 and 1701, the date of Nicaise’s death.

²¹ Bernard de La Monnoye: eleven letters between 1693 and 1699.

²² Jean-Baptiste Dubos (or Du Bos): forty-four letters between 1695 and 1706.

²³ François Pinsson des Riolles: thirty-two letters between 1686 and 1705.

²⁴ Hervé-Simon Valhébert: twenty-eight letters between 1696 and 1705.

²⁵ Mathieu Marais: nineteen letters between 1698 and 1706.

²⁶ Gilles Ménage: nineteen letters between 1685 and 1692.

²⁷ François Janiçon: forty-six letters between 1683 and 1700.

²⁸ See G. Mori, Bayle philosophe (Paris: Honoré Champion, 1999).

²⁹ See especially the famous edition of John Locke’s correspondence, ed. E.S. de Beer (Oxford: OUP, 1976), and R. Hutchison’s study, Locke en France, 1688–1734, SVEC, 290 (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1991); J.W. Yolton, Locke and French materialism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991); J.S. Yolton, John Locke: a descriptive bibliography (Bristol: Thoemmes, 1998); and the website: < http://www.libraries.psu.edu/tas/locke/bib/ >, run by J.C. Attig (Pennsylvania State University).

³⁰ On Collins, see J. O’Higgins, S.J., Anthony Collins. The man and his works (The Hague: Martin Nijhoff, 1970); P. Taranto, Du Déisme à l’athéisme: la libre pensée d’Anthony Collins (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2000), and J. Dybikowski, ed., The Correspondence of Anthony Collins (1676–1729), freethinker (Paris: Honoré Champion), 2011; J. Agnesina, The Philosophy of Anthony Collins: Free Thought and Atheism (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2017). His first publication is dated 1707, but Bayle may have heard about him through Shaftesbury and Toland; Collins sent Locke the articles from Bayle’s Dictionnaire that concerned him directly.

³¹ For Toland, see the editions of Pantheisticon, ed. M. Iofrida and O. Nicastro (Pisa: Libreria Testi universitari, 1984); Raisons de naturaliser les juifs, ed. P. Lurbe (Paris: PUF, 1998); Nazarenus, ed. J. Champion (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1999); La Constitution primitive de l’Eglise chrétienne, ed. L. Jaffro (Paris, Honoré Champion, 2003); Lettres philosophiques [Lettres à Serena], ed. T. Dagron (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2004); Le Christianisme sans mystères, ed. T. Dagron (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2004); Dissertations diverses, ed. L. Mannarino (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2005); as well as John Toland (1670–1722) et la crise de conscience européenne, spec. edn Revue de synthèse, 116 (1995); John Toland torna a Dublino, ed. G. Carabelli, spec. edn I Castelli di Yale: Quaderni di filosofia, 4 (1999) ; G. Carabelli, Tolandiana: materiali bibliografici per lo studio dell’opera e della fortuna di John Toland (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1975); and Tolandiana […]: errata, addenda e indici (Ferrara : Università degli Studi di Ferrara, 1978).

³² See Mandeville Studies, ed. I. Primer (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1975).

³³ See W.I. Hull, Benjamin Furly and quakerism in Rotterdam, Swarthmore College, Monographs on Quaker history, 5, (Pennsylvania, 1941); S. Hutton, ed., Benjamin Furly 1636–1714: a Quaker merchant and his milieu (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 2007), and in particular L. Simonutti, ‘English guests at “De Lantaarn”. Sidney, Penn, Locke, Toland and Shaftesbury’, in S. Hutton, ed., Benjamin Furly, op. cit. above, p. 31–66.

³⁴ See the recent edition of Œuvres de Mylord comte de Shaftesbury, contenant différents ouvrages de philosophie et de morale traduits de l’anglais, ed. Fr. Badelon (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2002), and the edition in progress of Complete Works, correspondence and posthumous writings, ed. C. Jackson-Holzberg, P. Müller and F.A. Uehlein (Bad Canstatt: Frommann-Holzboog), as well as the studies by L. Jaffro, Ethique de la communication et art d’écrire. Shaftesbury et les Lumières anglaises (Paris: PUF, 1998), and by F. Brugère, Théorie de l’art et philosophie de la sociabilité selon Shaftesbury (Paris: Honoré Champion, 1999).

³⁵ Those are the originals of seven letters also known through copies, and an eighth letter that was unknown until now: the discovery was made separately at the Hampshire Record Office, by James Dybikowski, and Kees van Strien, whom we thank warmly for drawing them to our attention. They are included also in the ongoing edition of Shaftesbury’s correspondence, ed. Christine Jackson-Holzberg, Patrick Müller et F.A. Uehlein (Bad Canstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, forthcoming).

³⁶ Leibniz: twelve letters between 1686 and 1702; see the edition of the Philosophische Schriften, ed. C.I. Gerhardt (Berlin, 1875–1890), 7 vols, and the new Akademie-Ausgabe, Sämtliche Schriften und Briefe, Reihe II: Philosophischer Briefwechsel, 3 vols (in progress). See also C. Gantet, ‘Leibniz und die Journale’, in Studia Leibnitiana (forthcoming).

³⁷ The following names should be added to the list of Bayle’s known correspondents: Nizet in Maastricht, Elie Ramondou, [Jean ?] Barrau, Robert Isnard, Elie Rivals, Pierre Du Cassé de Pradals, Jean Claude, François Turrettini, le comte de Dohna, le comte de Dohna’s brother, Antoine Léger and Bénédict Pictet, Jean de France, an unknown Parisian friend, Jean-Baptiste de Rocolles; and in England, William Trumbull, and James Vernon.

³⁸ See H. Bost, Un ‘Intellectuel’ avant la lettre: le journaliste Pierre Bayle (1647–1706): l’actualité religieuse dans les ‘Nouvelles de la République des Lettres’ (1684–1687) (Amsterdam and Maarssen: APA-Holland University Press, 1994).

³⁹ See especially P. Vernière, Spinoza et la pensée française avant la Révolution (Paris: P.U.F., 1954, rev. 1982); Spinoza au XVIIIe siècle, ed. O. Bloch (Paris: Méridien Klincksieck, 1990); Overt and Covert Spinozism around 1700, ed. W. Klever and W. Van Bunge (Leiden: Brill, 1996).

⁴⁰ See J. Israel, The Radical Enlightenment. Philosophy and the making of modernity (1650–1750) (Oxford: OUP, 2000); Enlightenment contested. Philosophy, modernity and the emancipation of man, 1670–1752 (Oxford: OUP, 2006); Democratic Enlightenment. Philosophy, Revolution and human rights, 1750–1790 (Oxford: OUP, 2011).

⁴¹ See H. Bost, Un ‘Intellectuel’ avant la lettre’, op. cit. at note 38 above; H. H. M. van Lieshout, The Making of Pierre Bayle’s ‘Dictionaire Historique et Critique’. With a CD-rom containing the Dictionaire’s library and references between articles (Amsterdam and Utrecht: APA Holland University Press, 2001).

⁴² See G. Mori, ‘Interpréter la philosophie de Bayle’, in Pierre Bayle, citoyen du monde. De l’enfant du Carla à l’auteur du Dictionnaire, ed. H. Bost and Ph. de Robert (Paris : Champion, 1998), p. 303–24.

⁴³ Harangue de Mr le duc de Luxembourg à ses juges, suivie de la censure de cette harangue, ed. G. Ascoli, Revue des livres anciens, 2 (1914–17), pp. 76–109; published again in E. Lacoste, Bayle nouvelliste et critique littéraire (Bruxelles, 1929) and in Bayle, Œuvres diverses, facsimile edn (Hildesheim, 1982), vol. V, i, pp. 79–170. The quotation comes from the very last lines of the text.

⁴⁴ See also, besides H. Bost’s work, op. cit. above, C. Berkvens-Stevelinck and J. Vercruysse, Le Métier de journaliste au XVIIIe siècle. Correspondance entre Prosper Marchand, Jean Rousset de Missy et Lambert Ignace Douxfils, SVEC, 312 (Oxford, Voltaire Foundation, 1993).